[NB: I wish that I had to pictures to post for this entry, but I don't. I do have two videos, but I'm not sure how to upload those yet. Maybe when I get back stateside I can figure it out.]
A Congolese co-intern invited me to attend a revival-type event at her Church a few weeks ago. Although I had little to no idea what exactly this would entail, I decided to go and find out! The event was to take place Thursday through Sunday evening, but I was assured that I only needed to go to one of these days, so I headed out on Sunday evening, the closing night. My colleague explained that the event was to mark the tenth anniversary of the Church and had a guest preacher who would be exploring the theme: Un Futur Glorieux (A Glorious Future). None of the other interns had agreed to go, so I took a deep breath and hopped into a taxi all by myself.
When I arrived in an unnervingly empty Woodstock across from the appropriately designated landmark, I have to admit that I had second thoughts about even trying to attend. There was no “Church” anywhere in sight (not a Church as I knew it, anyways). I noticed an advertisement sign for the event on a deserted corner building and asked a dodgy passerby if he knew anything of it. He shrugged, so I wandered a bit farther by. About 1.5 blocks off the main road (less-than-coincidentally named Main Road) I found a nicely dressed man and woman handing out pamphlets by the front door, so I approached them. They shot me confused looks but smiled and welcomed me inside as I explained that I was looking for Un Futur Glorieux. Another man immediately ushered me upstairs to the main room, all the while asking me if I was a) invited b) a preacher. Yes, I was invited, but the preacher comment caught me off guard. I suppose that is probably the bulk of White visitors the Church receives, visiting preachers on specific missions. As I entered the main room, there were only about 10 parishioners scattered across the room. It was around 5:50 pm (the event was set to start at 5:00 pm) so I immediately felt even more awkward. Luckily, I spotted my co-intern/friend Princia, who had invited me. She looked almost as shocked to see me as did the door-people but of course was delighted that I had made it and introduced me to her cousins / small entourage.
The stage consisted of a few musical instruments, a wandering preacher, room for excess choir members, and a garishly blinding stage light. The preacher was calling out group prayers impromptu and screaming passionately about Jesus; in both French and Lingala; with a randomly evoked, piercingly high-pitch. Princia asked one of the ushers to inform the preacher to only preach in French since on my behalf so that I could understand what he was saying. What endearing hospitality! This period of the service was apparently a long, warm-up, introductory session. People continued to fill into the room over the next hour in spite of my perceived hour tardiness. Africa-time strikes again, indeed! Princia left my side suddenly, and the next thing I knew she was on stage singing with the choir. I felt a bit uncomfortable when she first left but was also delighted to hear her sing for her congregation. After about an hour of this introductory prayer and intermixed song, the room was bustling: full to the brim.
I turned around to examine the now-full Church chamber. For the first time in my life, I was, quite literally, the only White person in attendance. Perhaps this feeling, more than any other experience at this Church revival, is why the event felt so critical in my South African journey. I have been in the minority many times before, especially working here in South Africa. Never before have I been the only White person at all, however; that is a completely different feeling. At first it was refreshingly invigorating. Having grown up in Upper-Middle Class White Suburbia, I have never really been able to experience this sensation of being in the minority. So much of my academic formation has traversed critical theory to critical theory referring to diverse socio-cultural communities, and now I was planted right in the middle! I couldn’t help to smile, feeling like I was really experiencing something “different,” something inaccessible at home. Of course one might go into downtown Detroit and experience something racially comparable, but I was moreover at a Congolese Church. All the individuals around me were also foreigners in South Africa; yet they had formed a small Diaspora community amongst themselves where they could continue on their own religious, cultural traditions in this hidden, urban corner of Cape Town.
My second initial sensation was that I was the conspicuous object of a gaze. I stood out. If I wasn’t a preacher, after all, what was I doing in that environment? Who invited me? Why wasn’t I attending my “own” Church? I am sure that a significant degree of this sentiment was my own consciousness. I noticed, I felt, that I stood out in this environment and therefore figured everyone else must also be taking note of this. Perhaps this is an egocentric sentiment in the first place and I was just feeling hypersensitive. It probably didn’t help that I was seated towards the front section, either. All those eyes were already moving forward in my direction; what might those individuals be thinking about me?
My third progressive feeling of being in the racial minority situated myself in the context of my religious environment. In the eyes of God, everyone [in that congregation] is considered to be brothers and sisters. I wondered, then, how that shaped the thoughts of all the Congolese parishioners. Maybe I was especially accepted at that time and in that place because I was sharing in worship with them. If I were to be attending a more secular event, of the same racial make-up, would that significantly alter how I was being perceived and treated? I know from my own viewpoint that it would affect how comfortable I felt. As terrible as it sounds, I couldn’t help but to also consider in the back of my mind my own personal security. Because I was such a visible target, I wondered if anyone might try to take advantage of me. I felt at points as if Christian dogma itself were protecting me. After a bit of time, however, I felt mostly at ease.
The style of worship at this event was vastly different than what I am used to. Parishioners were shouting out blessings, dancing joyfully, and speaking in tongues. Some were rocking back and forth and shedding tears. I tried to do my best to fit in to this sort of worship environment, but having been raised Catholic, my comfort zone reflects a quiet, orderly mass. At one point a band took the stage, and the singers simultaneously danced out the melodies replete with hip jostles, limbos, and fancy footwork. I found myself overcome with their energy and almost at once joined in. The guest preacher started talking perhaps 2.5 hours already into the event. He, too, hailed originally from the Congo, but he currently operates numerous Churches around South Africa. An English interpreter also came onto the stage to help interpret for other South African guests, and I found his interpretations nearly impeccable. I was so impressed, not only with his word choice, but with his effectiveness in conveying the original connotations and sentiments associated with the original speech. I felt a bit lost in the Lingala but otherwise completely understood.
The original event was supposed to last from 5:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. I arrived at 5:50 p.m. to a nearly empty congregation and stayed until the end of the sermon just after 11:00 p.m. Africa time par excellence. My colleague, Princia, helped me to carpool back to Cape Town. This experience definitely expanded my comfort zone ten-fold. Not only did I get to feel what it is like to be a true “outsider” in a fascinating cultural community, but I was also able to observe many Congolese refugees in an ever-so-crucial Diasporic institution.
Tuesday, April 13, 2010
English, Français, na Kiswahili Linguistic Literacy
Although my job has consistently involved working approximately 50% of the time in French, I have recently noted a sudden surge of Swahili-work. As a result I now feel as though I am hovering three separate working mentalities. English is, of course, my primary means to communicate and carry out work responsibilities. It’s my native language, so instantly adapting to, explaining, and responding to client concerns / requests comes most naturally. Most refugees do not speak English as a native language, even if they have achieved near mastery (as have many Zimbabweans) so I have an automatic upper hand. I am linguistically limber enough to respond without concerted mental efforts to carefully filter my language. My work environment is obviously also in English, though curiously there are no native English speakers among the staff. All either speak Afrikaans or Xhosa as a primary language at home.
French frames my second distinctive work mentality. I completed a lot of interpretation work between French and English when I first began my internship, especially as I helped Annel to communicate with her francophone clients. Interpretation is quite a distinctive skill. Switching constantly between languages, especially the necessity of using one sense for one and another for the other (hearing French, speaking English) requires straddling sections of the brain and then instantly reversing the functions (hearing English, speaking French). It took me a few interviews to acquire basic competency of this skill, looking up a few discipline-specific vocabulary words, and adjusting my ears to the slightly different Afro-French dialects. Now that I primarily work with clients individually, however, I no longer use French within the domain of interpretation. I can carry out my entire interviews in French, only converting to English when explaining proper nouns and recording information on paper for client file records.
While pinpointing what language I will most likely be using based off of client country of origin and South African arrival date, I have even developed the usage of a handy initial linguistic device. French Canadians tend to greet strangers with a “Bonjour, hi” in order to determine the ensuing primary language of conversation, and in the same spirit, I greet my Congolese, Rwandan, and Burundian clients with a simple, “Hello, bonjour.” They then start talking to me in whichever language is preferable for them, some proud of their newly developed English language skills and wanting to test them out, others relieved to explain their troubles in a more familiar tongue. Regardless, working in French is my second work mentality. Over time I have developed particular response phrases, questions, and explications that differ slightly from my English versions. Now that I have fine-tuned my ears to African dialects of French, I find listening to clients explain their needs is often a simpler task for me if they are speaking French than English. The English proper nouns frequently pose problems, especially as they refer to areas of Cape Town or South African institutions with which I am already unfamiliar, but working in French is enjoyable, and second-nature. As with any foreign language, sometimes the words get caught up and communication is difficult; however most the time my explanations flow without problem, and often my slightly longer processing pauses (as compared to native English) allow me to choose more precise, professional, and appropriate language.
Working in Swahili is a completely different experience. I have had five semesters at MSU in rapid succession (two accelerated courses during last summer’s Summer Cooperative African Language Institute [SCALI]) and so I feel fairly comfortable navigating my way around the contours of the language. The CTRC has a three-page long intake form full of interview questions for new clients, and posing all these questions in Swahili takes a bit of thought but is not too much of a problem. Since I have been learning French for such a long period of time now, I have taken for granted and all but forgotten the intense learning curve associated with beginning to utilize language skills directly with native speakers.
In practical terms, this means that once refugee clients start trying to explain their situation in Swahili, in their own words, with native speaker grace / speed, and at any length, I struggle to keep up. Using my limited vocabulary, asking finite questions is not too difficult. Verbally drafting detailed explanations and understanding the details of their narratives is. To make matters worse, most of the clients that come in and wish to communicate in Swahili speak a drastically different dialect from the Congo and Rwanda than the Kenyan / Tanzanian Kiswahili Sanifu that I learned in the classroom. My linguistic shortcomings in Swahili create an altogether different dynamic in these situations than with Francophone or Anglophone clients. Firstly, I cannot even begin to explain the number of clients who have outright laughed at me when I have begun speaking to them in Swahili. It’s not that my accent or grammar is terrible (though of course I make my fair share of errors); they are just in shock that I possess any knowledge of their language. “HAHAHA Why do YOU know Swahili?” they ask. Whereas my fluent French conversations lead many refugees to believe I am either a South African who has mastered French or a Francophone European, my white skin and more ostensibly foreign accent in Swahili instantly mark me as an outsider. After their initial shock, however, clients’ reactions vary completely. Most veritably appreciate my effort to converse with them. Some begin explaining things to me at a pace that leaves me understanding approximately 40%. Others revert to first-month of Swahili 101 phrases, giggle gleefully at my successful responses, and then compliment me by saying “You speak Swahili very well!” From time to time the clients are just not satisfied with my efforts and attempt to find an interpreter all the same.
Mara kwa mara (from time to time) my Swahili skills hinder their ability to abuse the system. Certain clients attempt to use linguistic ignorance as an attempt to appear more vulnerable, feign understanding of anything, and receive increased assistance. Interpreters often collude, both conversing with the client in advance and manipulating answers to optimally benefit both parties. A few times I have interviewed a client in English then allowed them to fetch a Swahili interpreter when they could not sufficiently explain a story without informing them of my knowledge. In these situations, I could overhear the dynamics of the conversion and ensure that the client was being as truthful with me as possible. One time I made a client’s eyes almost bulge out of her head by responding in Swahili when she had been conversing with her interpreter and referring to me consistently as mzungu, a very lightly derogatory term for White people. I have otherwise had to rely upon my Swahili skills to explain the entire functioning of our food voucher system, to enquire about banking details, and to assess clients’ overall living situations.
The linguistic dynamism involved in my work has made my experience even richer than I could otherwise imagine. There are not too many jobs out there that would require such consistent usage of all my language skills (English, French, and Swahili). Via French and Swahili both, I feel as though I have really been able to reach out to refugees and accommodate their cultural comfort zones. I am not a native South African either; the clients and I are both outsiders (although many do not realize this). When I speak to them in French or Swahili, it often seems to ease the tension of my own positionality as “white development aid worker” by emphasizing shared linguistic background as a critical cultural node of mutual human understanding.
CSI: Blikkiesdorp
When I was completing my typical round of refugee interview assessments this morning, CTRC director, Christina Henda, suddenly interrupted and directed me to postpone all normal procedures because we were urgently needed at Blikkiesdorp. Without much clarification, I hopped in the company vehicle driven by security personnel Stanley along with Annel, and we all sped off. As we passed the normal exit-way to Blikkiesdorp I felt even more confused but soon learned we were stopping in downtown Cape Town to pick up an official from the UNHCR branch here who would assist us with our assignment. The three others in the car jabbered hurriedly away in Afrikaans, leaving my Anglophone ears to only sense the tone of abnormality. Finally they filled me in: We were off to investigate a Somali-on-Somali stabbing that had just occurred in the recently resettled quarter of Blikkiesdorp!
There is something otherworldly about Blikkiesdorp even when it’s not a crime scene. Silver shack after silver shack glisten atop an expansive floor of dirt. Buildings are impersonally marked by a generic Letter-Number code, and the streets lack names altogether. Four units share an outdoor toilet and washing unit at their interstices. Awkwardly named Blikkiesdorp is but a nickname to the official, yet coldly distant “Delft Symphony Way Settlement Area.” No one seems to want to take ownership of this desolate plot: Media sources have referred to it as Cape Town’s dumping ground for the unwanted, and some have even drawn parallels between this site and the one depicted in the recent South African-set film District Nine.
Add a crime scene to the mix and you can imagine how I felt as I arrived. It was actually my second trip to the area but no less haunting than the first. A few children ran around aimlessly as we pulled up. The first Somali family spoke to us in extremely broken English, a bit confused why we were even there. We managed our way to another family who then guided us to the scene of the crime. Broken bits of bloodstained fencing pieces lay strewn across the austere courtyard. We were welcomed inside the humble “can-shack” for an informal statement of what happened. Our accompanying UNHCR worker seemed to know one of the women who lived there quite well, so she lead the way in asking the questions. I sat atop an informal bucket and listened intently. The moment felt completely surreal. There I sat in a shack, following the thickly accented narrative of a hijab-clad Somali refugee woman in order to assess the motive and implications of a morning inter-ethnic stabbing. It was definitely one of those “I’m in the developing world!” moments and never would I have thought freshmen year while dissecting the Federalist Papers that my Madison education might lead me to an experience like this!
After we got back in the car, my supervisor Annel and the UNHCR worker discussed the viability of the statement. Apparently the chief interviewee is quite crafty and has been known to aptly manipulate situations in her own favour. It is even quite possible that she instigated the inter-ethnic attack in order to portray her own proximal situation as vulnerable and thereby gain lobbying capital for a re-settlement interview to the United States. Her story, however, consisted of two Somali ethnic groups who are traditionally rivals jealously fighting with one another. The persons involved were taken to the Delft area holding cells, so we made our way to the Delft Police Station for further enquiries.
There we met with local police officials who had little knowledge of the morning’s events. That in itself goes to show the amount of crime events that occur in township areas. The police definitely have their hands full from day to day. After pinning down the police chief to aid in our pursuit, we awaited more crime interviews. Suddenly a young, bloody-faced Somali woman burst through the doors of the boardroom where we were waiting. The UNHCR worker interviewed her carefully. According to this woman, the morning attack involved only women. One or two women came at a group of five to six with knives because they were allegedly jealous of their resettlement interviews. On the way out the door, we ran across three additional young, Somali women who were also alleged victims. These women shamelessly peeled back layers of their conservative clothing to demonstrate the numerous knife wounds all over their bodies. Again, their eagerness to show-off their wounds left me feeling unsettled at the very least and moreover wondering if this was not all but a plot for resettlement attention. Both UNHCR and NGOs such as the CTRC fulfilled important watchdog functions for an event like this. All in all the event proved minor, but if it had been more serious, we would have been both the first agents there to aid in relief efforts as well as the first line of defense against further proliferation. Today felt like I was right in an episode of CSI: Cape Town. It was an incredibly “real” experience to learn about the way refugee crime incidents unfold within the South African justice system. As an American, I feel a bit disconcerted about the extreme efforts some might attempt for the mere right to enter my country. Ironically and pessimistically, I often feel that these efforts are in vain…even if the stars align and they are indeed granted a resettlement opportunity, I can’t imagine that starting life over as an American refugee is an easy feat.
Wednesday, April 7, 2010
Blue Waters / Blikkiesdorp Part 1
Even though South Africa’s most serious wave of xenophobic attacks occurred back in 2008, their effects are far from over. Thousands of refugees and other foreigners moved out of their new South African residences due to verbal threats, actual physical displacement, and general community malaise. The Somali community was targeted most acutely. Their willingness to set up shop in the dodgiest of areas, conspicuous religious differentiation, as well as many other unique ethnic characteristics make them most distinguishable to local populations. Many of the thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) residing in the Western Cape settled in Blue Water’s Camp. Blue Water’s Camp used to be a low-budget summer resort just outside Mitchell’s Plain on the outskirts of town, but the City of Cape Town acquired the land in order to assist in the secure habitation of these individuals. At its peak the site housed roughly 3,000 IDPs living in UNHCR-donated orange tents.
As time passed, however, the City grew weary of having so many foreigners living in such a temporary settlement. Their mere existence drew continuous media attention and served to recapitulate South Africa’s negative reputation as a xenophobic society. Naturally this is an undesirable international reputation but especially just prior to the arrival of the global community for the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Cape Town thus incorporated a portion of its Residential Development Programme (RDP) budget to construct additional government-funded dwellings in a more permanent temporary settlement: Blikkiesdorp. The Afrikaans term for “Canstown,” Blikkiesdorp is a dusty, treeless section of Delft lacking road names and other basic civil society structures; it soon became home to the bulk of “re-integrated” IDPs residing in the Western Cape.
Those that moved to Blikkiesdorp were given re-integration aid packages from the South African government. Yet others remain at Blue Waters: approximately 350 at present. Some of these individuals do not want to move into Blikkiesdorp because of the conditions there. Many are holding out against the re-integration efforts in hopes of gaining UNHCR interviews for re-settlement in the United States, Canada, Australia, or Europe (not very likely). Their lingering is nonetheless like a tick on the back of the City Council’s neck. As the World Cup draws nearer and nearer and the span of internal displacement longer and longer, the pressure is currently building. Most recently, the City Council is pushing harder than ever to remove these individuals.
It is in this climate that the Cape Town Refugee Centre was called upon to help oversee, administrate, and control the turmoil. I travelled with my supervisor Annel, programme administrator Wandile, and a fellow intern to intake the approximately 50 people who had finally agreed to move to Blikkiesdorp (for the right price from the City Council). Since South Africa’s official national policy prohibits the establishment of refugee camps, Blue Waters internal displacement camp is the closest parallel I have seen in my work here. We pulled onto the property right off the beach and stopped at the camp overseer’s office. Just outside a small swarm of Somalis loitered, evidently the group who had been waiting all day to learn of their possible material gains for relocating once more. Beyond the main office a hoard of circus-like tents occupied an otherwise insignificant parcel of land. A one-man guarded gate blocked the entryway. Annel explained that the current tents are replacements for the UNHCR ones that were there at the beginning of the crisis and pail in comparison.
Inside the main office a short-tempered Coloured man barked orders at the Somalis who continuously tried to inquire about entry times; he treated our arrival with utmost suspicion. Apparently he was the original overseer for Blue Waters when it was a low-budget summer camp and continued to fulfill this role when it became a makeshift displacement camp. He hence seemed to lack the cultural concern and social graces of those already working in the domain of refugee work.
I had been summoned with CTRC to interview those moving to Blikkiesdorp, but in fact we oversaw operations more than anything else. Still, it was an invaluable experience. The South African government established a formula for re-integration assistance that at once became problematic. Single men, single women, and married couples each warranted a set amount of Rand subject to adjustment depending on their amount of children. The camp surveyor informed us that this was immediately a problem because many Somali men had more than one wife and these family units would exploit the system to receive as much money as possible. The husband and one wife would be assessed once, and then the additional wife would come in later claiming she is single in order to receive the appropriate funding bonus.
When I finally entered the settlement area, I was pleasantly surprised. Children played at the previous resort’s playground. Families smiled as we passed by their multi-room tents. Most people leave the area during the day to do business in nearby Mitchell’s Plain and just return to Blue Waters in the evening to sleep. No wonder people refuse to leave. Their livelihoods in Blue Waters are no worse, perhaps even better, than in your average South African township. Uprooting for the third time (at least) takes time, effort, and energy. Yet, continuing to live on the outskirts of society diminishes the likelihood of full integration into a new South African life…the re-acceptance of “home.” Like most things in South Africa, the Blue Waters / Blikkiesdorp issue is much more complicated than it appears at surface level.
As time passed, however, the City grew weary of having so many foreigners living in such a temporary settlement. Their mere existence drew continuous media attention and served to recapitulate South Africa’s negative reputation as a xenophobic society. Naturally this is an undesirable international reputation but especially just prior to the arrival of the global community for the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Cape Town thus incorporated a portion of its Residential Development Programme (RDP) budget to construct additional government-funded dwellings in a more permanent temporary settlement: Blikkiesdorp. The Afrikaans term for “Canstown,” Blikkiesdorp is a dusty, treeless section of Delft lacking road names and other basic civil society structures; it soon became home to the bulk of “re-integrated” IDPs residing in the Western Cape.
Those that moved to Blikkiesdorp were given re-integration aid packages from the South African government. Yet others remain at Blue Waters: approximately 350 at present. Some of these individuals do not want to move into Blikkiesdorp because of the conditions there. Many are holding out against the re-integration efforts in hopes of gaining UNHCR interviews for re-settlement in the United States, Canada, Australia, or Europe (not very likely). Their lingering is nonetheless like a tick on the back of the City Council’s neck. As the World Cup draws nearer and nearer and the span of internal displacement longer and longer, the pressure is currently building. Most recently, the City Council is pushing harder than ever to remove these individuals.
It is in this climate that the Cape Town Refugee Centre was called upon to help oversee, administrate, and control the turmoil. I travelled with my supervisor Annel, programme administrator Wandile, and a fellow intern to intake the approximately 50 people who had finally agreed to move to Blikkiesdorp (for the right price from the City Council). Since South Africa’s official national policy prohibits the establishment of refugee camps, Blue Waters internal displacement camp is the closest parallel I have seen in my work here. We pulled onto the property right off the beach and stopped at the camp overseer’s office. Just outside a small swarm of Somalis loitered, evidently the group who had been waiting all day to learn of their possible material gains for relocating once more. Beyond the main office a hoard of circus-like tents occupied an otherwise insignificant parcel of land. A one-man guarded gate blocked the entryway. Annel explained that the current tents are replacements for the UNHCR ones that were there at the beginning of the crisis and pail in comparison.
Inside the main office a short-tempered Coloured man barked orders at the Somalis who continuously tried to inquire about entry times; he treated our arrival with utmost suspicion. Apparently he was the original overseer for Blue Waters when it was a low-budget summer camp and continued to fulfill this role when it became a makeshift displacement camp. He hence seemed to lack the cultural concern and social graces of those already working in the domain of refugee work.
I had been summoned with CTRC to interview those moving to Blikkiesdorp, but in fact we oversaw operations more than anything else. Still, it was an invaluable experience. The South African government established a formula for re-integration assistance that at once became problematic. Single men, single women, and married couples each warranted a set amount of Rand subject to adjustment depending on their amount of children. The camp surveyor informed us that this was immediately a problem because many Somali men had more than one wife and these family units would exploit the system to receive as much money as possible. The husband and one wife would be assessed once, and then the additional wife would come in later claiming she is single in order to receive the appropriate funding bonus.
When I finally entered the settlement area, I was pleasantly surprised. Children played at the previous resort’s playground. Families smiled as we passed by their multi-room tents. Most people leave the area during the day to do business in nearby Mitchell’s Plain and just return to Blue Waters in the evening to sleep. No wonder people refuse to leave. Their livelihoods in Blue Waters are no worse, perhaps even better, than in your average South African township. Uprooting for the third time (at least) takes time, effort, and energy. Yet, continuing to live on the outskirts of society diminishes the likelihood of full integration into a new South African life…the re-acceptance of “home.” Like most things in South Africa, the Blue Waters / Blikkiesdorp issue is much more complicated than it appears at surface level.
Monday, April 5, 2010
Black Culture, White Culture
“Look at all those White people! That’s Cape Town for you!” wrote one friend as a caption to a beach picture I recently posted to facebook. “Cape Town’s not real Africa…it’s like Europe!” claimed a few other people whom I have met here recently. Two Afrikaner men from Pretoria made this claim at a pub after a rugby game in the Newlands area of the city. A Zimbabwean student here uttered virtually the same comment within the same week timeframe.
They definitely have a point. Cape Town is a hotbed for white, South African culture. Go to many of the beaches and you will find almost exclusively white people. Go to one of the many trendy restaurants, and the scene will look comparable. At the Kirstenbosch Gardens concert I attended a few weeks ago, out of a crowd of a few thousand, I only noticed about five Blacks. Even at a local screening of “Invictus;” a[n American] film exhibited from an outside perspective to a South African audience about their own triumph over apartheid and foundation of racial harmony; the attending audience included almost only white people. It is fairly easy to see how Cape Town gets the reputation that it does.
I don’t think the city warrants it, however. Anyone who honestly believes that Cape Town is a “white” city has slipped shallowly through, missed the “real” Cape Town, and it’s a “shame, man” (South African slang). I’m not privy to any official sociological data, but if I were to estimate, I would conjecture that the city’s Black and Coloured populations grossly outnumber the white population. The City Bowl’s downtown district is often thought of as one of White privilege, but the streets are bustling with the popping sounds of Xhosa, hijab-clad immigrant women, innumerable Coloured individuals, and but a relevant minority of white passersby. Mini buses tear around most city corners and multi-ethnic vendors sell from block-after-block. This is only the downtown area.
The city area of Cape Town is dwarfed in comparison to the Southern Suburbs, Northern Suburbs, and Cape Flats areas. Of course there are well-to-do suburbs such as Rondebosch, the liberal student haven of Observatory, and the upper-middle class Kenilworth. Anyone who thinks Cape Town is a “white” city however, hasn’t been to Wynberg. They haven’t been to Salt River or to Athlone. They definitely haven’t been to Khayelitsha, to Philippi, to Maitland, or to Mitchell’s Plain. They haven’t seen Blue Waters and they probably haven’t even been to Woodstock. These are not merely what we Americans would term ethnic ghettos but enormous parcels of land home to significant portions of the city’s population.
Historically, the Western Cape was home to South Africa’s White and Coloured populations. The New South Africa ushered in an era of migration to the region, and today the influence of Blacks, Coloureds, Indians, and foreigners is enormous. It is not only influential, in fact, but constitutive. These communities form the crux of Cape Town’s informal markets, labor force, and residential areas. Removing their presence would not only be noticeable; the entire city would cease to function. Again, this is statistically a majority community. Unfortunately, many are subsumed by Whites in public visibility due to their status as proletarians. The working class is pushed to the margins of collective consciousness in a truly Marxist fashion. Often racial conflict is merely a discussion of class conflict in disguise. Despite the socio-economic implications, Non-Whites play a substantial role in the area’s socio-cultural geopolitics.
Perhaps many Black South Africans can either not afford or are not interested in attending the concert of a white, Afrikaner alternative rock band at traditionally White Kirstenbosch. Perhaps White South Africans fail to venture en masse outside their comfortable, racially inscribed loci. In either case, these instances of de facto neo-apartheid do not characterize the entire city. Traveling down popular Long Street and branding Cape Town a “white city” is no more accurate than visiting the North Shore of Chicago and deciding likewise. Even this is not a perfect analogy, though, as the Cape Town area’s population dynamic is overwhelmingly non-White. While the legacy of Colonial façades, White restaurants, beaches, concerts, and movie theatres might lead one to deem Cape Town not “Authentically African,” (and yes, of course Cape Town is not the same “Africa” as other areas) these are indeed façades on multiple levels. The dawn of the New South Africa has catapulted the Western Cape into ethnic dynamism, and its racial branding lies upon the delimitating forced perspective of the beholder. I won’t even delve into the impact of the 150,000 + refugees living in the area. Despite my skepticism of the term’s contrived positive connotation, if one wants to experience the “Rainbow Nation,” it’s here.
They definitely have a point. Cape Town is a hotbed for white, South African culture. Go to many of the beaches and you will find almost exclusively white people. Go to one of the many trendy restaurants, and the scene will look comparable. At the Kirstenbosch Gardens concert I attended a few weeks ago, out of a crowd of a few thousand, I only noticed about five Blacks. Even at a local screening of “Invictus;” a[n American] film exhibited from an outside perspective to a South African audience about their own triumph over apartheid and foundation of racial harmony; the attending audience included almost only white people. It is fairly easy to see how Cape Town gets the reputation that it does.
I don’t think the city warrants it, however. Anyone who honestly believes that Cape Town is a “white” city has slipped shallowly through, missed the “real” Cape Town, and it’s a “shame, man” (South African slang). I’m not privy to any official sociological data, but if I were to estimate, I would conjecture that the city’s Black and Coloured populations grossly outnumber the white population. The City Bowl’s downtown district is often thought of as one of White privilege, but the streets are bustling with the popping sounds of Xhosa, hijab-clad immigrant women, innumerable Coloured individuals, and but a relevant minority of white passersby. Mini buses tear around most city corners and multi-ethnic vendors sell from block-after-block. This is only the downtown area.
The city area of Cape Town is dwarfed in comparison to the Southern Suburbs, Northern Suburbs, and Cape Flats areas. Of course there are well-to-do suburbs such as Rondebosch, the liberal student haven of Observatory, and the upper-middle class Kenilworth. Anyone who thinks Cape Town is a “white” city however, hasn’t been to Wynberg. They haven’t been to Salt River or to Athlone. They definitely haven’t been to Khayelitsha, to Philippi, to Maitland, or to Mitchell’s Plain. They haven’t seen Blue Waters and they probably haven’t even been to Woodstock. These are not merely what we Americans would term ethnic ghettos but enormous parcels of land home to significant portions of the city’s population.
Historically, the Western Cape was home to South Africa’s White and Coloured populations. The New South Africa ushered in an era of migration to the region, and today the influence of Blacks, Coloureds, Indians, and foreigners is enormous. It is not only influential, in fact, but constitutive. These communities form the crux of Cape Town’s informal markets, labor force, and residential areas. Removing their presence would not only be noticeable; the entire city would cease to function. Again, this is statistically a majority community. Unfortunately, many are subsumed by Whites in public visibility due to their status as proletarians. The working class is pushed to the margins of collective consciousness in a truly Marxist fashion. Often racial conflict is merely a discussion of class conflict in disguise. Despite the socio-economic implications, Non-Whites play a substantial role in the area’s socio-cultural geopolitics.
Perhaps many Black South Africans can either not afford or are not interested in attending the concert of a white, Afrikaner alternative rock band at traditionally White Kirstenbosch. Perhaps White South Africans fail to venture en masse outside their comfortable, racially inscribed loci. In either case, these instances of de facto neo-apartheid do not characterize the entire city. Traveling down popular Long Street and branding Cape Town a “white city” is no more accurate than visiting the North Shore of Chicago and deciding likewise. Even this is not a perfect analogy, though, as the Cape Town area’s population dynamic is overwhelmingly non-White. While the legacy of Colonial façades, White restaurants, beaches, concerts, and movie theatres might lead one to deem Cape Town not “Authentically African,” (and yes, of course Cape Town is not the same “Africa” as other areas) these are indeed façades on multiple levels. The dawn of the New South Africa has catapulted the Western Cape into ethnic dynamism, and its racial branding lies upon the delimitating forced perspective of the beholder. I won’t even delve into the impact of the 150,000 + refugees living in the area. Despite my skepticism of the term’s contrived positive connotation, if one wants to experience the “Rainbow Nation,” it’s here.
Leisure Update
Hello, all! Since my last several updates have been more “official” reviews of my actual internship work / pertinent refugee issues, I thought I would take this entry to discuss a few of the incredible leisurely experiences I’ve had as of late…….That is the beautifully disgusting quality so characteristic of South Africa. Whereas my daytime work is comparable to international development jobs one might experience in other African nations, Latin America, or to my parents’ dismay, Bangladesh, during nights and weekends I am free to indulge in all the “cush” touristy opportunities that this area also has to offer: outdoor summer concerts, wine tastings, just about every extreme support one could imagine, and Euro-style bars and cafés. What makes these activities both interesting and guilty are the fissures between the two worlds.
Example: There is an area not too far away from here known as St. George’s Mall. It’s a pedestrian throughway with stone streets, oodles of cafés, stylish boutiques, and outdoor atmosphere. More than any other area I have seen here in Cape Town, it looks and feels like you are in Europe. There are even a few fountains and French-style kiosks / street monuments. Yet, there are also loads of informal stalls, beggars, and “African” proletarians serving the establishments. In fact, it almost feels like the “new” Europe of immigrants more than either the romantically conceptualized versions of Europe or Africa. And beggars in this country are RESILIENT….let me tell you. They will come right up to your table where you are sitting and assuredly ask for money. If you are walking down the street, they will approach you in the same manner without taking no for an answer. If you ignore them, they follow you the entire distance continuously hollering at you. If you say “Sorry” forcefully and pick up your pace, they will pick up their pace right along with you instead of taking the hint. Thank goodness I am doing something “helpful towards humanity” during the daytime or I would feel QUITE guilty for not giving the beggars any money. I apologize that this paragraph is littered with “quotation marks;” I just feel like I am walking on eggshells in explaining some of these topics so briefly.
That was a bit of a tangent anyways. So back to my activities! I have made TWO different excursions out into the proximal winelands thus far. That equals approximately 9 different wineries and probably 40-some samples of wine varieties. Wine culture is so amazing. I can’t fathom anything more relaxing than an afternoon of casual wine sipping set against the faint, nearly stationary sway of the vines and the jovial pulsation of rays overhead. That sounded forcibly poetic, but I tried to use the exact words of what I sensed despite their sub-par linguistic affect. In fact the calm I had imagined for trip 1 was fleeting at best. We moved from winery to winery by bike, and after stop 3 (which was actually a brandy distillery) surmounted a gradual, but deadly incline. Around 100 degrees F coupled with the brandy I literally almost passed out at the top. Great that there was water! A very pleasant if not exhausting day. Winery trip 2 was by car and FAR more relaxing. Winery 1 was over the top impressive architecturally and sit into a hill of vines: quite the unusual topographical setting for winegrowing but the aesthetics were stunning! A free tasting to top it off. Number 2 felt like a hole-in-the-wall stop in Provence, sporting the name “Le Pommier” (Appletree) to top it off! Casual. Very different from the other place but also enjoyable. Stop 3 was probably the most “authentic” South African winery, as the architecture fit into the Cape Colonial style and the setting more barebones “we make wines here” as opposed to the “there is wine here, but look at this fabulous façade and setting foremost!” Stop 4 was probably a bit of a mix between all of the above.
HOLD on. I am writing this on the roof of my apartment complex early on a Friday evening, and I just heard jazz music start playing from down the street. So much of the South African lifestyle is chill and enjoyable. I can’t tell where this music is stemming from really, but I can hear it rather clearly. At first I thought it was a protest coming from the Parliament (1.5 blocks away, so we hear them a regular amount) but it doesn’t appear to be so. I actually have to head to the laundrette before it closes for the evening. I think I will try to walk down the street and into there without shoes. Shoes are optional at most in this country, and I’ve been dying to try this myself. I’ve been here over 1.5 months; it’s about time! I will update the rest of this entry “just now” (South African English for sometime in the next few hours……if I ever get to it.)
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